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Gottlieb and Fogerty reason that this information should encourage national legislators to financially support individuals to attend colleges and universities in order to support the national, public good. DesJardins’ (2003) study focuses on the state of Minnesota in order to ascertain whether the state is making a sound monetary investment in public higher education. His study included individual income and tax revenues as factors defining the benefits of higher education. ). He also considers estimated lost earnings while a student is enrolled in college.

Brandl and Weber purport that this set of recommendations will ensure that the weakest institutions will not survive the “post-secondary education marketplace” but will enable state institutions to compete fairly with other providers by “removing the handicaps of current state administrative and regulatory structures and policies” (p. 25) so state funds do not maintain inefficient campuses. These market-driven recommendations would dramatically alter the role of the Minnesota State Colleges and Universities Board of Trustees who in 1995 controlled 65 percent of the funding that colleges and universities needed to operate.

The Political, the Marketplace, and Educating for a Diverse Democracy In Take Back Higher Education: Race, Youth, and the Crisis of Democracy in the Post-Civil Rights Era (2004), Henry Giroux, professor of secondary education, and Susan Searls Giroux, teacher of English and education, share their concern that higher education is under attack by economic neoliberals. The authors view public education as being redefined as a private good in order to further stratify the white upper/upper-middle class and the poor/working class who are predominantly people of color.

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