Download BATTLE FOR CASSINGA: South Africa's Controversial by Mike McWilliams PDF

By Mike McWilliams

Conflict for Cassinga is written as a firsthand account by means of a regular South African paratrooper who used to be on the 1978 attack at the Angolan headquarters of PLAN, the armed wing of SWAPO. The e-book relates why the South African govt took the political probability in attacking the citadel in an exterior operation and examines the SWAPO claims that Cassinga was once a refugee camp guarded via a couple of PLAN squaddies. It additionally explains why Sam Nujoma the SWAPO chief had no choice yet to perpetuate this falsehood. The conflict, even if a convincing good fortune, suffered a few setbacks which can were disastrous to the South African paratroopers had they no longer maintained the initiative. The improvisations made via the commander Col Jan Breytenbach ensured mistaken bounce and terrible intelligence didn't adversely have an effect on the end result. The unexpected Soviet-made anti-aircraft weapons used opposed to either plane and flooring troops threatened to derail the assault. An visual appeal of a giant column of armor manned via Cubans from the close by city of Techamutete, while part the South African strength had already left the battleground, put the rest frivolously armed paratroopers in mortal probability. The landmines laid by means of the South Africans, including the courageous activities of the South African Air strength pilots stored the day, permitting the remainder forces to withdraw accurately. conflict for Cassinga seems in any respect the gamers in a serious mild. SWAPO and PLAN, the SADF and the commanders from each side, Dimo Amaambo of PLAN and Jan Breytenbach of the SADF in addition to the courageous infantrymen from either side who fought for his or her political ideologies yet possibly, extra importantly, for his or her personal band of brothers.

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Extra info for BATTLE FOR CASSINGA: South Africa's Controversial Cross-Border Raid, Angola 1978 (Namibia)

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They hope to preempt the legitimate anxieties of civil servants about Africanization through guarantees and sunset clauses. The non-ANC minorities, from Afrikaner to Zulu nationalists, on the other hand, insist in addition on symbolic recognition of their identities and on the right of some selfdetermination. The promise of mere equal treatment by an ANC-dominated central government is considered insufficient. It is this recognition of ethnic claims, in which regionally concentrated minorities express themselves, that dogmatic nonracialism and an orthodox democratic vision find most difficult to tolerate.

11] The largely segregated housing, schooling, workplaces, and leisure activities “tell” the profound difference between Catholics and Protestants, despite the linguistic and phenotypic homogeneity. In contrast, in South Africa communal divisions, in terms of selfidentification, are not as deep. In spite of or, more likely, because of the official classifications in the apartheid state, more people label themselves South Africans first, rather than black or white. Coloureds, Indians, and English-speaking whites in particular (and urban Africans to a lesser extent, but rarely Afrikaners) stress their South African identity before their subgroup.

In South Africa only the small Africanist PAC and Black Consciousness groups prefer the name Azania, and all groups rejoice over the successes of a mixed South African Olympic team, an esprit de corps that Mandela views as one of the crucial mechanisms for nationbuilding. The chances of black and white reconciliation in South Africa seem far greater than in Northern Ireland also because of the comparative importance of the two conflicts in the global political constellation. The relative geopolitical insignificance of Northern Ireland encourages terrorism.

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