By Patrick Ismond (auth.)
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Extra resources for Black and Asian Athletes in British Sport and Society: A Sporting Chance?
Barnes showed ‘character’ by conforming to a white, male, workingclass-coded norm of behaviour that is central to football culture (Hill, 2001. See also KIO/FURD, 2001a). Barnes’ position was unique in that 16 Black and Asian Athletes in British Sport and Society he was the first black footballer signed for Liverpool Football Club from another club, and the only black player to be playing consistently for the club at that time. It is reasonable to assume, then, that team-mates’ interactions would alter in character and significance, depending on the number and status of black players.
His concept has been adapted by theorists to provide useful insights explaining the idiosyncrasies of freedom and constraint in sport. In this way, Hargreaves (1994, p. 22) claims that the concept has been used by theorists to: explain . . the ways in which dominant meanings and interests which are inherited from past traditions engender opposition and have to be defended, while new meanings are constantly being worked out and struggled for . . Hegemonic configurations of power are understood to be part of a continual process of change which incorporates negotiation and accommodation .
For the first time in Britain, post-war migration had established a collective black presence; in numbers approaching 200,000 by the 1960s. This ‘critical mass’ of black people prompted the Jamaican poet Louise Bennett to famously call the process of migration ‘colonisation in reverse’. In response, and from its first incarnation in 1962, successive Commonwealth Immigration 30 Black and Asian Athletes in British Sport and Society Acts aimed to control ‘coloured’ settlement, thereby defining black and Asian peoples as a social problem; a threat and a burden, whose numbers should be limited.