By Kenneth J. Calder
In 1914 the British executive was once now not drawn to nationwide self-determination in jap Europe, yet via November 1918 it was once deeply concerned with a variety of jap ecu topic nationalities and was once dedicated by means of implication to their independence. This booklet makes an attempt to give an explanation for this evolution in British coverage relating to the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the 3 most crucial topic nationalities in japanese Europe. The e-book relies totally on the reliable documents of the British executive, that have been supplemented with fabric from inner most collections. Dr Calder argues that British coverage on nationwide self-determination built now not due to theoretical speculations yet of the wartime kin among the govt. and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationwide firms. This ebook strains the evolution in British kin with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality corporations from August 1914 to November 1918. It exhibits how the preliminary contacts have been proven and the way family members built progressively because the govt sought to take advantage of those companies in propaganda, espionage and the formation of army devices. It makes an attempt to evaluate the results of this co-operation at the attitudes of British officers and the coverage of the govt..
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Extra resources for Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)
On 5 November 1914, Seton-Watson submitted to the foreign office a memorandum entitled 'The Future of Bohemia' which was based on conversations in Rotterdam with Thomas Masaryk, the leader of the Czech Realist party and soon to be the leader of the Czechoslovak emigre movement. ' It was too early even to comment on the subject, but at least Masaryk gave the foreign office something to ponder. From the very beginning of its contact with the emigres the foreign office, like the home office, seemed to prefer the Yugoslavs and Czechoslovaks to the Poles.
The Entente hoped to create a Balkan league of Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Rumania directed against the Central powers. If the Balkan powers fought one another, there would be no advantage in their participation in the war. If, however, they formed a league, as they had against Turkey in 1912, their combined military strength might be enough to tip the balance in favour of the Entente. 7 According to Churchill: It is only by reclaiming from Austria territories which belong naturally to the Balkan races that the means can be provided to satisfy the legitimate needs and aspirations of all the Balkan states.
Yet regardless of the Italian government, relations between the Yugoslavs and the government continued. A report on 30 August 1915, from Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the ambassador in Washington, that the Yugoslav organizations in the United States were assisting the Entente by working against German-inspired strikes in munitions factories supplying the Allies, substantiated the view that the Yugoslavs were too valuable to be alienated unnecessarily. The foreign office even gave facilities to a Yugoslav agent to recruit for the Serbian army in the South American Yugoslav settlements.